Selected Extracts from the Memoirs of Samuel Jarniewski

A Jewish Prisoner of War

Biala Podlaska & Konska – Wola & Budzyn

Part 1

Samuel Jarniewski (right) a Jew who served in the Polish Army

Samuel Jarniewski a Jew served in the Polish Army, and on the 11 September 1939, he was captured near Lomsha, eastern Poland. After long periods in a number of prisoner of war camps, Stalag 1 A near Konigsberg, Lablaken in Libau and Stalag 2b at Hammerstein, West Prussia. In late October 1940 Samuel and his fellow prisoners were sent to a Jewish camp at Biala- Podlaska and this is where we join this account.Jewish Camp Biala- PodlaskaWe arrived at Biala – Podlaska at the end of October 1940 late in the evening. With great fear we waited for the reception and what would come. When we saw the SS men dressed in black watching us after taking over the transport, we were very sad. After a half an hour march we arrived at the camp. When we saw the sign at the camp, “Jewish Camp in Biala- Podlaska,” we realised the big lie that we had been told at Stalag 1A. We were put behind a fence again, but this time on the other side were SS men and their paid Ukrainian murderers.

When we entered the living blocks that had been chosen for us, we met there the old inhabitants of the camp who were civilian Jews from Poland. We found these people in an indescribable state; barefoot, badly clothed and starving.Immediately I saw the picture of what was waiting for us in the future. Millions of flies prevented us from resting after the long journey. We also got to know the cruel reality of what had happened here in the gouvernment and with the Jewish people during the one year of my absence. I also learned that we were to replace the old people of the camp who had no strength anymore for the hard work of constructing an airfield in Biala- Podlaska. In the early morning of the following day we were ordered to work. When the building managers of the airfield saw us, they were very happy to receive new workers.

Samuel Jarniewski

Most of the building managers were soldiers of the Air Force and cannot say that they treated us badly.

After their intervention, the living blocks were disinfected, and after one case of very bad treatment on the march from work, we were fetched and brought back in from the camp under the guard of the Air Force. Many of our comrades escaped to the River Bug in order to reach their homes but several of my comrades and I received warnings in letters from our families not to come home in this illegal way. There was also the possibility of leaving the camp in order to become a member of the Jewish civilian government (Judenrat), but I advised my fiends not to and made the decision never to leave the camp. It was better to be a prisoner of war in the camp than to bear the fate of the civilian Jewish people. And so I went daily to my work on the airfield and did my best not to go hungry. I waited patiently for what was to come. Every day we grew fewer and fewer in numbers, partly by leaving and partly by escape.

I received letters from home and from countrymen that were in the Judenrat. One day at the end of December some of us became ill from typhus and by order of the military doctor, the camp was sealed off. The illness became an epidemic and soon many of us were ill and went into the sick room. Conditions in the sick room were unbearable and we were two, sometimes three to a bed.The nursing was good but we had nothing with which to recover, no tea, or other beverages that were necessary for this dangerous illness. Before my illness I received some money from my friends and with this money I bought some bottles of red wine that were the only refreshments I had during my illness.I also separated myself from my comrades who had been lying in the bed with me. Although the cases of death were small in comparison to those from the treatment and conditions after the illness, the sickness was a hard one. It was months until I was healthy again. Five hundred people got sick in the course of the winter.

Read more here: http://www.holocaustresearchproject.org/survivor/jarniewski.html

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Copyright Carmelo Lisciotto
H.E.A.R.T 201

Holocaust accomplices - Trials

Nikolay Malagon – Interrogation Statement

18 March 1978 City of Zaporozh’ye

Malagon file

Justice Litwinenko – Senior Investigator of the Procuratorate of the Zaporozh’ye Region.

Witness – Nikolay, Petrovich Malagon

Born 1919 native and resident of the village of Novo- Petrovka, Berdyansk District, Zaporozh’ye Region.

Citizen of USSR , Ukrainian manual worker, married. The interrogation started at 3.30am. Before the interrogation started the witness declared that he knows the Russian language well and wishes to testify in Russian.

The witness gave the following elucidations to the questions asked; In February 1941 I was called up for active service in the Soviet Army by the Berdyansk district military committee.

When the Great Patriotic war began I was with my unit in the Cherkassy city area and subsequently we were transferred to the Kiev city area, where I took part in the defence of the capital of the Ukraine.

In August 1941, in the area of the village of Borshchigovka, I was wounded in the head and together with other soldiers of our unit fell a prisoner to the Germans.

At first I was held in the Prisoner of War camp in the city of Zhitomir, then was transferred to a camp in the city of Rovno. A day later we were loaded into railroad cars and transferred to the Prisoners of War camp near the city of Chelm on Polish territory.

About two months after our arrival, about October – November 1941we were aligned near the barracks and a man in civilian clothes, who he was I do not know, but he had no stripes on his sleeves, started to pick out prisoners to be sent to work projects.

At that time he did not tell us where precisely and what type of work would have to be done by the prisoners selected. This man selected in all about 60-70 men from among the prisoners at his discretion and we were transported in three trucks to the camp of Trawniki.

In the Trawniki camp, four companies consisting of prisoners of war were formed, with about 100 men in each, but I do not remember the exact number at present. Three companies consisted of prisoners of war of Ukrainian nationality, one of young Russians.

Read more here: http://www.holocaustresearchproject.org/ar/Trawniki/MalagonInterrogation%20Statement%20.html

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Copyright Carmelo Lisciotto H.E.A.R.T 20100

What the Allies knew about Auschwitz and Treblinka

Allied Reports

Auschwitz and Treblinka

This report is an exact transcription of the letter provided by J.Linton to the Jewish Agency for Palestine in 1944, no corrections or edits have been made to the original text.

The Jewish Agency For Palestine

77 Great Russell Street

London

WC1

18^th August 1944

Drawing of Auschwitz 1944 (click text to enlarge)

Dear Mr. Millard,

As arranged on the telephone this afternoon I enclose herewith plans and descriptions of the two death camps – at Auschwitz (Oswiecim) and Treblinka (Trzebinia), which I have just received from the Polish Ministry of the Interior.

Yours sincerely,

J. Linton

Enclosures :

Auschwitz Drawing and Treblinka Report 1944

Treblinka

Treblinka A is for Poles who committed offences against the occupation army by not delivering the imposed quota of agricultural products or were caught smuggling. The discipline is very severe – the prisoners are being shot under the smallest pretext. The fame of this camp is established as well as that of Auschwitz / Oswiecim.

In March 1942, the Germans have started the building of a new camp- Treblinka B, near Treblinka A. This camp was designated as a concentration camp for Polish Jews and for Jews from other European countries. On the building were employed Poles from the neighbouring camp and Jews, caught in the small towns in the vicinity. The camp was completed at the end of April, when also was built the centre point of the camp – the death house.

The new camp – Treblinka B is situated on sandy hills among brush-wood. The area of the camp is comparatively small. It is about 5,000 hect. The camp is surrounded by a green fence interwoven with barbed wire entanglements.

Part of the fence runs through a young forest in the north. At the four corners of the camp, observation points were placed for the Lagerschutz (camp guard). The Lagerschutz consists mostly of Ukrainians armed with machine guns. At the observation points strong searchlights have been placed to light the entire place at night. Observation posts are also set in the middle of the camp and on the hills in the woodlands.

The western border of Treblinka B is formed by the rail embankment along which runs a side-track that connects the camp with the main railroad line. The side-line was constructed in recent months, in order that the trains of transports might be delivered directly to the slaughter-house.

The northern border of the camp is formed by the forest; east and south the border cuts through sandy hills. In the area of the camp, bushes form a long stretch parallel to the railroad tracks starting in the north.

Read more here: http://www.holocaustresearchproject.org/revolt/Allied%20Reporst%20on%20Treblinka%20and%20Auschwitz.html

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Escape from Sobibor!

Alexander Pechersky on the Revolt and Escape

From the Sobibor Death Camp

In his own words...

Reunion of Sobibor survivors Alexander Pechersky (third from the left)

Alexander Pechersky was born on the 22 February 1909 in Kremenchuk, in the Ukraine. A lieutenant in the Red Army, he became a Prisoner of War in October 1941.

* Read more about Alexander Pechersky [here]

After trying to escape in May 1942, he was taken to Borisov, where a medical examination exposed him as being of Jewish extraction. He was sent to Sobibor death camp on the 22 September 1943 as a Jewish POW, along with some other soldiers and approximately 2,000 Jews from Minsk.

He was among eighty men selected by Hubert Gomerski for carpentry work, all the others on their transport were immediately taken to the gas chambers by Karl Frenzel.

Only twenty-two days later he managed to lead – together with Leon Feldhendler, a Polish Jew - the revolt on the 14 October 1943. Another four days later he and a group of his Soviet comrades succeeded in crossing the River Bug and joining the partisan bands – which later became part of the regular Soviet army.

Leon Feldhendler

He spent a short period in hospital in 1944. He never received any commendations for his heroic deeds, quite the contrary, the Soviet authorities regarded anyone who had worked either in Germany or for the Germans as a traitor, and he ended up instead with a prison sentence of several months.

Pechersky outlined his thinking in planning the revolt at the death camp:

My aim was first to kill the fascists who had already murdered so many Jews at Sobibor. Maybe that would allow only ten or fifteen of us to make a run for freedom, so that we could tell the world the truth.

To be honest I was not really all that confident about my plan, but I never mentioned that to the members of the committee, I wanted them to feel they were not powerless, and that we could indeed stage a revolt and escape.

For some time I discussed the plan only with my friend Leitman. I knew him as a quiet, strong and intelligent man. After giving it a lot of thought, we decided to present the plan, which had been worked out in detail, to Feldhendler and a few members of the committee.

I imposed one condition, that if we were to go ahead and execute the plan, killing the SS officers would be done only by men appointed by myself. I wanted them to be eliminated by teams of two, with a Soviet soldier in charge.

The reason was that I knew the characters of my men, I was well aware that if anyone should waver at the last minute, or even one hand should tremble, the entire revolt could fail. A single scream would be enough to cause hysteria; after that, restoring calm at the camp would be impossible.

Alexander Pechersky model of the Sobibor Death Camp

I also imposed one other condition, “I will take your opinions into account, but I will have the final say. If I say this is how it will be done, then that is the way it will be done.

Pechersky described after the war what happened in Camp I after the roll-call signal was given:

People came streaming from all sides. We had previously selected seventy men, nearly all of them Soviet Prisoners of War, whose task it was to attack the armoury. That was why they were in the forefront of the column.

But all the others, who had only suspected that something was being arranged but didn’t know when and how, now found out at the last minute, they began to push and jostle forward, fearing they might be left behind, in this disorderly fashion we reached the gate of Camp I.

Read more here: http://www.holocaustresearchproject.org/revolt/sobiborescape.html%3C/FONT%3E%3C/I%3E%3C/FONT%3E%3C/FONT%3E%3C/P%3E

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Battle for the Warsaw Ghetto

Battle for the Warsaw Ghetto

Report from the Jewish Workers Underground Movement

22 June 1943

What follows is an excerpt from a report by the Jewish Labour Underground of Poland, which reached the American representatives of the General Jewish Workers Union of Poland – the Bund – through underground channels via London. It is dated 22 June 1943.

Pre war photo of the Jewish Workers Movement

A characteristic trait of this new extermination campaign waged by the Germans against the Jews is armed resistance on the part of the Jews. During the previous wave of extermination such acts of armed resistance were seldom dared. Once in a while we would receive word about such desperate deeds from one small town or another. Now the entire situation has changed radically. The leading role is being played by the Ghetto of Warsaw.

The first clashes on the streets of the Warsaw Ghetto occurred from 19 until 23 January 1943. That was the beginning of the battle between the armed German Police, SS men and the Jewish Armed Resistance Organisation, which made its first appearance at that time. The January clashes were an embarrassing surprise for the Germans, and were very promising for the future – a prelude of events to come.

Unfortunately lack of space prevents us from describing the historic events that occurred in the Warsaw Ghetto after the January clashes with the precision and esteem that even the smallest detail deserves. This must and shall be done at some future date.

The fight between the Jews and Germans in April and May 1943, that which has been termed the “Battle of Ghettograd” (Ghettograd – reminiscent of the stubbornness of Stalingrad), eclipses everything that has ever occurred in the annals of the Jews or any other people. The methods and means of the fighting, forced on the belligerents by the special circumstances in the Ghetto, varied in accordance with the various phases of the Battle.

The heart-breaking picture of the Ghetto in flames – shrouded in smoke, the noise of machine guns, cannons, field artillery, mine explosions, the destruction of blocks of buildings, the hell that was unleashed on our people – will forever remain in our memory. No man of letters, no painter will ever be able to recreate the greatness of the events we witnessed, nor the emotions that overwhelmed us during those tragic and historic days.

SWIT members (Polish Underground Radio

The Battle that began on 19 April lasted about a month, however, even at the end of May there was still some resistance.

The backbone of the entire battle was the Jewish Armed Resistance Organisation, which led the people into the fight. The organisation is the armed body of the Co-ordinating Committee, which comprises an equal number of representatives of the Bund and the Jewish National Committee. Neither the Revisionists (a Zionist Group), nor the Agudah (religious Jews) belonged to the Jewish Armed Resistance Organisation.

The Revisionists organised a small “Organisation for vengeance,” of their own which ceased to exist after the second day of the Battle. Workers and youth formed the majority in the Jewish Armed Resistance Organisation. The youngest was Lusiek, thirteen years of age, a member of the Bund youth group, Skif the oldest member of the organisation was forty.

All the members of the resistance organisation were idealists, adherents of various political trends. Their fraternity in battle (Bundists, Chalucym, Shomrim and others) was exemplary. The general attitude of the inhabitants of the Ghetto towards the idea of resisting the Nazis changed radically from what it was a year ago.

It would be wrong and unjust to presume that the heroic spirit and determination of the defenders of the Ghetto was but a result of despair. Many a fighter had ample opportunity to rescue himself by leaving the Ghetto. However, the fighters were full of a noble sense of duty, a soldier’s duty, of a powerful desire to carry on the fight for honour, for human dignity.

They were anxious to take revenge on Fascism, on the enemy of their people, on the enemy of mankind. The precautions of the Germans bordered on cowardice. The prolonged heroic resistance of the Ghetto banished the legend of the invincibility of the German Army, showed the Polish nation its vast possibilities in resisting the Nazis and strengthened its self-reliance. The “Jewish – German War” lent strength to the splendid spirit of resistance against the Germans, with which the Polish Underground had already been marked.

Being perfectly aware of this situation, the Germans gave vent to their rage and fury by turning the entire Ghetto into one mass of ruins. On the fifth day of the Battle, the Jewish Armed Resistance Organisation published a manifesto addressed to the Polish Underground, and to the inhabitants of our capital, conveying greetings from the Jewish Underground fighters.

German soldiers shelling the Warsaw ghetto

Various sectors of the Polish Underground Labour Movement immediately responded with messages of solidarity and admiration. On the whole, the attitude of the Polish Underground towards the Battle of the Warsaw Ghetto was marked with respect for the fighters and with esteem for their daring.

However, this attitude varied in accordance with the different viewpoints on the Jewish problem of the various parts of the Polish Underground. The capital city of Poland, as well as the entire country, seethed with excitement because of the Battle of the Ghetto.

During the Battle the Co-ordinating Committee of the Bund and the Jewish National Committee issued daily communiqués on the Battle, which appeared in Polish clandestine publications and were broadcast abroad by the Polish clandestine radio station Swit.

The result of the Battle was: several thousand Jews were killed, burnt alive, suffocated by gas and about twenty-five thousand were deported to the concentration camps of Trawniki, Poniatow, Majdanek and Lublin.

Only the ruins of buildings, destroyed by mines, cannons and fires remain where the Ghetto once stood. The Warsaw Ghetto is now one big cemetery. Somewhere in the catacombs hundreds and perhaps thousands of those who survived the battle are still living in agony.

Only two days ago, for example, a thirteen – year old boy appeared from this subterranean world with a message dated 10 June, informing us about “life” in the modern catacombs. The entire bombardment of Warsaw in 1939 caused the destruction of 75,000 homes, while the present Battle of the Warsaw Ghetto ended with the destruction of one hundred and several thousand homes.

Read more here: http://www.holocaustresearchproject.org/revolt/warsawbattle.html

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Copyright Carmelo Lisciotto H.E.A.R.T 2011

5 year anniversary of the Holocaust Education & Archive Research Team

Essays & Editorials [home] The Department of History, University of Northampton & The Holocaust Education & Archive Research Team

1825 Days with H.E.A.R.T

The five year anniversary of the Holocaust Education & Archive Research Team

Guest Publication by

Dr. Martin Friedhaus

At the risk of appearing to talk nonsense, I tell you that the Nazi movement will go on for 1,000 years! . . . Don’t forget how people laughed at me, 15 years ago, when I declared that one day I would govern Germany. They laugh now, just as foolishly, when I declare that I shall remain in power! - Adolf Hitler to a British correspondent in Berlin, June 1934

Dr. Martin Friedhaus

Less than twelve years after Hitler made that statement, National Socialism as a governing power ceased to exist. On May 8, 1945, the World War II Allies formally accepted the unconditional surrender of the armed forces of Nazi Germany and the end of Adolf Hitler's Third Reich.

At the risk of "speaking nonsense" it is important to remember that many in the early 1920's, did in fact laugh at Hitler. Detractors of National Socialism considered the Nazi's a fringe party, and in many circles they were a running joke, –yet just five years later Adolf Hitler was the new Chancellor of Germany!

Many of the leading socialist newspapers of the time, especially the Munich Post. specifically aimed its attention to Hitler. Their open opposition against Him lasted a dozen years, and “produced some of the sharpest, most penetrating insights into his character, his mind and method, then or since.”

These journalists were the first to focus sustained critical attention on Hitler, from the very first moment he emerged from the beer-hall backrooms to take to the streets of Munich in the early 1920s.

The Post continued to attack Hitler until March 9, 1933, when the Nazis banned the last opposition papers still publishing. In all parts of Germany, including Chemnitz, Muenster, Magdeburg, and Munich, all Socialist newspapers’ buildings were taken over. The Munich Post offices were turned over to an SA squad to pillage. They gutted it completely, dumping trays of broken type onto the streets. Furniture was thrown out the windows, and copies of the newspaper were again burned in the middle of the street.

Although the police witnessed this destruction, they “simply stood by in the street and looked on while the SA wrecked the offices.” The writers and editors were dragged away to imprisonment in concentration camps. That was the end of the Munich Post... Its battle against Hitler and the Nazis had been lost.

Despite victory over their opponents, the Nazi Party control over Germany and occupied Europe would only last for twelve years, about as long as the Munich Posts opposition has lasted, a far cry from the thousand year Reich proclaimed by Hitler. This makes it easy for us to shrug off his boast as the ravings of a lunatic despot. Yet the impact of those twelve years, the cost in humanity, the destruction of Europe, and the ensuing new world order, will most assuredly be studied for a millennia.

With the benefit of hindsight we see that Hitler's boast may not have been so far off target.

It estimated that World War II claimed approximately 62 million lives, with 11 million deaths being attributed to the Holocaust and of those; 5-6 million are approximated to be Jews.

The aftermath of the Holocaust had a profound effect on society in both Europe and the rest of the world. Its impact could be felt in theological discussions, artistic and cultural pursuits and political decisions. The fate of displaced persons and Holocaust survivors was a major issue, one which eventually led to the establishment of Israel by Jewish survivors.

Decades after, on November 1, 2005, the United Nations General Assembly voted to designate January 27 as the "International Day of Commemoration in Memory of the Victims of the Holocaust." January 27, 1945 is the day that the former Nazi concentration and extermination camp of Auschwitz-Birkenau was liberated.

As this generational transition is taking place, the demand for Holocaust-related courses at colleges and universities in the United States has grown dramatically, increasing the need for programs to assist faculty in many academic disciplines to teach the subject more effectively. In addition, vast quantities of written material from previously inaccessible archival repositories and private collections have been identified in Eastern Europe, the former Soviet Union, Western Europe and the United States

Read more here: http://www.holocaustresearchproject.org/essays&editorials/heart5years.html%3C/FONT%3E%3C/P%3E

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Copyright Carmelo Lisciotto H.E.A.R.T 2010

This document represents testimony of Moses Feigenberg

The Testimony of Mosche (Moses) Feigenberg

Testimony 2

This document represents testimony of Moses Feigenberg made

as a deposition for the trial of Martin Weiss and other SS men in Germany in 1960

Translation from original German May 2001

[photos added to enhance the text]

Mosche Feigenberg

Testimony of Mosche Feigenberg

First name of the father: Hirsch

Address: Tel-Aviv, Sderot Ben-Zion 23, phone 26611

working place: Hospital Beer-Jaakow

Year of birth: 1909

Place of Birth: District Wilna

Profession: Urological Doctor

Family: married

Religion: Jewish

01.17.60, 5 pm in the apartment of the witness

Interrogator: 180 Sergeant Meir Warschawski

Through the force of article 2 (1) of the criminal-process-order I have written down the testimony of Mosche Feigenberg.

Meir Waschawski 180 Sergeant

I lived in the city of Wilna at the beginning of WW2 and I worked as doctor for urinary illnesses. I have lived in this city about 40 years until my emigration to Israel.

In September of 1941 my family and I were forced to live in the ghetto together with all Wilna Jews. I worked at the Jewish hospital in the ghetto but also as worker outside the ghetto where I cleaned railroads and chopped wood at a place called Sorok Tatari.

One week before the liquidation of the Wilna ghetto in September of 1943 the Nazi administration sent about 1500 Jews from the ghetto into a working camp called HKP and about 1500 Jews in another working camp called Kailis. My family and I came into the HKP camp but the Nazis liquidated both camps at the beginning of July 1944. The liquidation was carried out under the command of the SS and the SD. That happened two weeks before the liberation of the city through the Red Army.

Post war photo of where the HKP camp stood in Vilna

I want to remark that the two camps were located close to the city and that I worked as a Doctor in both of them. I had the opportunity to see all the actions the Gestapo and the SS carried out against the Jewish population, often with the help of the Lithuanian police. I was also there during the children's liquidation action on March 27th 1944.

I see eleven pictures in front of me (the witness examines 11 pictures that were sent here from Ludwigsburg, the witness takes the picture of Heinrich Schmitz's face). This picture reminds me of the man whose name I found out later was Heinrich Schmitz. About October 1943 a Jewish family composed of father, mother and a twelve years old daughter was caught when they tried to escape. They were brought back to the camp and hung in front of the public.

The whole camp population was ordered to see the execution. I remember that when the cord around the man's neck tore, he fell down still alive. He was crying and beseeched the SS man to let him alive. But this man didn't have mercy and he shot him instantly with his revolver.

The picture of Heinrich Schmitz that I see know corresponds with the identity of the man who shot the hung man. I remember that the SS man's face was handsome and fine, it was like the face of an actor. About around the time of this incident I often heard at the HKP camp administration that the SS man who was responsible for the Jews was called also Schmitz. He himself was responsible for all kinds of actions against the Jews. I myself saw him shooting the fallen down man.

Martin Weiss

He looks very much alike the picture of the Heinrich Schmitz that I see now. On march 27th 1944 when I was in the HKP camp I saw the liquidation action against Jewish children that was carried out by SS and SD under the personal leadership of Martin Weiss.

The goal of this action was the final and absolute liquidation of all children in the camp. The scared Jews began to hide their children in different hideouts, for example in stoves, in toilets, in barrels and under beds. But the Gestapo carried out a very exact examination of all homes. With the help of axes and hammers they searched the walls and got many children. They brought them all into the backyards to load them on big cars.

The number of children that the Nazis brought out of the camp to send them to an unknown location was about 250. They never came back again. We were lucky enough to hide about a dozen children. I myself brought eight kids into a hideout that I prepared, including my own twelve years old daughter whom I hid in a potato sack. Six out of the eight kids I saved during the liquidation action were brought later also to unknown locations.

I as the camp doctor had the right to walk in the backyards and so I was able to see the whole details of the action. I remember a woman called Zukowska who didn't want to separate herself from her daughter. She was lead away some meters from the backyard and shot personally by Martin Weiss. Of all the pictures here I recognize also the one that shows Max Gross whom I saw often in the ghetto as well as in the HKP camp. He participated each Sunday in the count of the forced workers during the roll call. He also participated in the children action like many other Gestapo and SS men.

Read more here: http://www.holocaustresearchproject.org/trials/feigenberg.html

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Copyright Carmelo Lisciotto H.E.A.R.T 2011